Each day we see new signs of the approach of peace. In all points essential for armistice the terms may even now be agreed upon in secret by the chief belligerents. The world will hardly be notified when the actual quit signal is given. At any rate this intimate affair, so purely diplomatic, will be out of reach of the popular will.
But later on in the long open peace conference where all things must be determined that are essential for the future peace of the world the people want control. And if we are ready for full democracy the people will have control. After the immense catastrophe of war is ended, terms may seem of slight importance to the exhausted proletariat. When an armistice is called the joy of all will be so great that we may temporarily forget to guard our interests against the reactionary and military forces already organized in every nation and eager to dictate terms that will insure their own future power. Let us take steps to guard against this mistake. If we want influence then, let us organize for control now because we must be ready to guide into democratic channels all the deliberations of that deeply significant peace commission which can and will alter forever our whole international situation.
The growth of the people's movements in all nations would have a direct influence towards ending the war if unhampered international relations were possible. We are not permitted free communication with the English, French, Russian or Italian people's movements. Separated as we are then—each nation to itself—the people must take national action to gain control of our international relations in the future.
Peace as the public is to know of it cannot come until Germany reforms. In his public utterances President Wilson has maintained a consistent argument. He will remain consistent. We know not what they are, but certain proofs of reform Germany will have to furnish. "It is so nominated in the bond." Therefore the people of the world anxiously await President Wilson's next word defining his requirements. Perhaps he is not yet sure himself what to require. Perhaps he wishes to leave this point undefined until the British government is ready for peace.
The German cabinet has fallen with the loss of the Reichstag majority—a degree of responsibility impossible to our own cabinet—But this is not enough. Must the kaiser go? Must Germany become a republic? President Wilson has not said so. Meanwhile many minds are searching for the most desirable guarantee American can possibly ask of Germany for its promises at the peace table. When can we feel sure that the German people will force the German government to keep its word? And is there any fair demand we can make that they can grant quickly? Complete changes in the form of government take time and the world cannot wait.
Some of us want peace more than we want democracy in Germany. We feel so sure that democratization will everywhere follow upon peace! But the sufficiency of Germany's reform is a vital and a timely speculation. America's prompt clearing up of this point would be a valuable contribution toward the renewal of sanity in the world.
In order to have the greatest faith in will and power of the German people to hold their government in line in the future can we do better than to let the German people have a direct voice in the naming of their peace commissioners? Can we perhaps cause the German government to grant its citizens the right to vote for the German delegates to the commission that will draw up the terms of peace? Then we could be sure that the decisions arrived at by their own elected representatives would be enforced by the people. And if the German government passed this supreme test of democracy could we not predict its ultimate reform?
Already a Russian faction has demanded an elected peace commission—startling experiment in democracy! What questions it will give us all to solve! Can the whole people of any nation be trusted to vote for the persons best fitted to represent the interests of that nation? The popular electorate may not secure the most expert or best informed persons—experts can be hired when needed and information bought—but the people will surely chose those whom they can trust to represent them. And if peace commissioners represent the people of any nation they will represent the interests of all humanity. Consequently the permanent just peace for which we all struggle will be safer in their hands than with any conceivable choice of representatives our rulers can make for us.
Let us urge our government to set a new precedent and hold an election to choose representatives for the approaching conference. Surely our government with its census list and its post offices can quickly take an advisory referendum. Let us have ready chosen and fully prepared five of our best citizens to contribute to that potent group to be chosen soon by someone.
If such an official vote is taken and its results faithfully followed by President Wilson and by Congress in their appointments of the American peace commissioners our example will help liberate the world from that old autocratic internationalism under which we suffer equally with monarchies. Between nations democracy has not been developed. This advance in our democracy used as a lever to raise the people's power in Germany would be indeed efficient psychology! Such political methods of conquering the world for democracy need not be abandoned because our country is at war. On the contrary a referendum would give the nation more faith in its own democracy and a higher patriotism.
Suppose we officially invite the German people to elect peace commissioners to meet elected commissioners from the United States. If the German government allows its citizens to vote, peace conferences can begin at once. If not, the German people will at least have a definite goal in their present efforts to liberalize Germany. Their struggle can be sharp and clear, not destroyed by wildness and anarchy. Now they know not what to seek.
Let us join with Russia and ask all the allied governments to elect their peace commissioners. If they will not all consent at least Russia and the United States can agree to elect their representatives and set the other nations a good example.
We need no bloody revolutions in any country. The world has shed blood enough. But the people have an unshakable determination sooner or later to have their kind of peace. Therefore let the government take warning in time and cut the Gordian knot of tangled and impossible national ambitions by giving the choice of peacemakers directly into the people's hands. A commission chosen any other way will stand on shaky ground. But the people will abide by the decisions of a representative Peace Commission because from it alone can we get what we want—the People's Peace.
But later on in the long open peace conference where all things must be determined that are essential for the future peace of the world the people want control. And if we are ready for full democracy the people will have control. After the immense catastrophe of war is ended, terms may seem of slight importance to the exhausted proletariat. When an armistice is called the joy of all will be so great that we may temporarily forget to guard our interests against the reactionary and military forces already organized in every nation and eager to dictate terms that will insure their own future power. Let us take steps to guard against this mistake. If we want influence then, let us organize for control now because we must be ready to guide into democratic channels all the deliberations of that deeply significant peace commission which can and will alter forever our whole international situation.
The growth of the people's movements in all nations would have a direct influence towards ending the war if unhampered international relations were possible. We are not permitted free communication with the English, French, Russian or Italian people's movements. Separated as we are then—each nation to itself—the people must take national action to gain control of our international relations in the future.
Peace as the public is to know of it cannot come until Germany reforms. In his public utterances President Wilson has maintained a consistent argument. He will remain consistent. We know not what they are, but certain proofs of reform Germany will have to furnish. "It is so nominated in the bond." Therefore the people of the world anxiously await President Wilson's next word defining his requirements. Perhaps he is not yet sure himself what to require. Perhaps he wishes to leave this point undefined until the British government is ready for peace.
The German cabinet has fallen with the loss of the Reichstag majority—a degree of responsibility impossible to our own cabinet—But this is not enough. Must the kaiser go? Must Germany become a republic? President Wilson has not said so. Meanwhile many minds are searching for the most desirable guarantee American can possibly ask of Germany for its promises at the peace table. When can we feel sure that the German people will force the German government to keep its word? And is there any fair demand we can make that they can grant quickly? Complete changes in the form of government take time and the world cannot wait.
Some of us want peace more than we want democracy in Germany. We feel so sure that democratization will everywhere follow upon peace! But the sufficiency of Germany's reform is a vital and a timely speculation. America's prompt clearing up of this point would be a valuable contribution toward the renewal of sanity in the world.
In order to have the greatest faith in will and power of the German people to hold their government in line in the future can we do better than to let the German people have a direct voice in the naming of their peace commissioners? Can we perhaps cause the German government to grant its citizens the right to vote for the German delegates to the commission that will draw up the terms of peace? Then we could be sure that the decisions arrived at by their own elected representatives would be enforced by the people. And if the German government passed this supreme test of democracy could we not predict its ultimate reform?
Already a Russian faction has demanded an elected peace commission—startling experiment in democracy! What questions it will give us all to solve! Can the whole people of any nation be trusted to vote for the persons best fitted to represent the interests of that nation? The popular electorate may not secure the most expert or best informed persons—experts can be hired when needed and information bought—but the people will surely chose those whom they can trust to represent them. And if peace commissioners represent the people of any nation they will represent the interests of all humanity. Consequently the permanent just peace for which we all struggle will be safer in their hands than with any conceivable choice of representatives our rulers can make for us.
Let us urge our government to set a new precedent and hold an election to choose representatives for the approaching conference. Surely our government with its census list and its post offices can quickly take an advisory referendum. Let us have ready chosen and fully prepared five of our best citizens to contribute to that potent group to be chosen soon by someone.
If such an official vote is taken and its results faithfully followed by President Wilson and by Congress in their appointments of the American peace commissioners our example will help liberate the world from that old autocratic internationalism under which we suffer equally with monarchies. Between nations democracy has not been developed. This advance in our democracy used as a lever to raise the people's power in Germany would be indeed efficient psychology! Such political methods of conquering the world for democracy need not be abandoned because our country is at war. On the contrary a referendum would give the nation more faith in its own democracy and a higher patriotism.
Suppose we officially invite the German people to elect peace commissioners to meet elected commissioners from the United States. If the German government allows its citizens to vote, peace conferences can begin at once. If not, the German people will at least have a definite goal in their present efforts to liberalize Germany. Their struggle can be sharp and clear, not destroyed by wildness and anarchy. Now they know not what to seek.
Let us join with Russia and ask all the allied governments to elect their peace commissioners. If they will not all consent at least Russia and the United States can agree to elect their representatives and set the other nations a good example.
We need no bloody revolutions in any country. The world has shed blood enough. But the people have an unshakable determination sooner or later to have their kind of peace. Therefore let the government take warning in time and cut the Gordian knot of tangled and impossible national ambitions by giving the choice of peacemakers directly into the people's hands. A commission chosen any other way will stand on shaky ground. But the people will abide by the decisions of a representative Peace Commission because from it alone can we get what we want—the People's Peace.
